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Showing posts with label author: Sudipto Banerjee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label author: Sudipto Banerjee. Show all posts

Monday, March 21, 2022

History of disinvestment in India

by Sudipto Banerjee, Renuka Sane, Srishti Sharma and Karthik Suresh.

Disinvestment of public sector enterprises has been an important part of Indian economic policy since the 1990s. Research in this field has been constrained by a lack of foundations of facts. There is limited information on policy positions, policy actions, as well controversies around policy actions. For example, Baijal (2008) provides a history of early disinvestment decisions in India; Banerjee Sane and Sharma (2020) provide information on the more recent methods adopted for disinvestment; Banerjee, Moharir and Sane (2020) document disinvestments undertaken to meet the minimum public shareholding rule in India.

In a new working paper, History of disinvestment in India: 1991-2020, we contribute to the literature by documenting the history of disinvestment of Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs) in India between March 1991 to December 2020. The paper is a collection of facts on:

  1. The policy position of governments across the years
  2. The policy processes adopted by governments on selection of enterprises for disinvestment
  3. The difficulties encountered in various transactions on (i) methods of valuation, (ii) legal disputes challenging the transactions, (iii) adverse audit remarks of the CAG, and (iv) labour unrest.
  4. Targets for disinvestment and amounts raised
  5. The different methods of disinvestment, especially those used in recent years such as compulsory buybacks, Offer for sale through the stock exchange (OFS-SE), CPSE to CPSE sales, Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs), and public offers.

We found it difficult to achieve this level of clarity on the facts, and hope that this helps many others approach the field with better foundations on facts.

References

Baijal, P. (2008), Disinvestment In India: I Lose and You Gain, Pearson; 1st edition.

Banerjee S., Moharir, S., and Sane R. (2020), The problem of minimum public shareholding in public sector enterprises , The Leap Blog, 18 November 2020.

Banerjee S., Sane R. and Sharma, S. (2020), The five paths of disinvestment in India , The Leap Blog, 7 July 2020.

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

The problem of minimum public shareholding in public sector enterprises

by Sudipto Banerjee, Sarang Moharir, Renuka Sane.

In 2009-10, the government of India increased the minimum public shareholding (MPS) threshold for listed companies from 10% to 25%. The government's rationale for the MPS is that a minimum public float of shares addresses secondary market imperfections like concentration of shares and price manipulation. The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has specified several methods that listed firms can use to expedite their MPS compliance. One of the methods is the offer for sale of shares through the stock exchange (OFS-SE). This was introduced in 2012 to facilitate compliance in a broad-based and transparent manner. Prior to the OFS-SE, the government divested shares through OFS by issuing a prospectus. This was a cumbersome and time-consuming process. Since 2012, the government has used the OFS-SE method to undertake disinvestment of CPSEs to meet the MPS threshold.

In 2010, when the Securities Contract (Regulations) Rules were amended [Rule 19A(1)] to increase the MPS threshold from 10% to 25%, listed Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs) were exempted. The government withdrew the exemption in 2014, and set a deadline of August 2017 for compliance with the MPS. This was extended by a year to 2018 and again by two years to 2020. Recently, listed CPSEs got another extension of one year till August 2021. Despite the extensions, 37 CPSEs out of the total 77 listed CPSEs had not met the MPS requirement as on December 31, 2019.

As we approach the August 2021 deadline, we ask if disinvestments through the OFS-SE route have achieved the 25% MPS target. This question is relevant for all disinvestments. We, however, focus on the one's done through OFS-SE as this route was designed to meet the MPS threshold. This study is useful for two reasons. First, it gives us a sense of how much more disinvestment the government has to undertake to meet the MPS. Second, the government's record on meeting the MPS threshold for CPSEs sends a strong signal of its own commitment to the MPS.

Methodology

We sourced transaction data from BSEPSU. We only consider CPSEs where at least 5% stake was divested through the OFS-SE route between 2012 and 2019. This gives us a sample of 22 CPSEs (with 31 transactions) out of the total 77 CPSEs.

Since OFS-SE is a secondary market transaction, details like name of the purchaser, the number of shares purchased and the final sales price are not available in the public domain. Therefore, we studied each annual report issued in the year of the OFS-SE transaction to document the change in the shareholding pattern of the top ten shareholders. Further, we used these changes to identify the possible purchaser of shares. For example, 5% stake of Power Finance Corporation (PFC) was divested in 2015; LIC's shareholding in PFC increased from 4.81% to 9.08% in the same year. We assume that LIC purchased a stake in the OFS-SE transaction of PFC in 2015.

Results: other CPSEs as shareholders

Table 1 shows the shareholding of CPSEs that had undergone OFS-SE as of March 2019. Public shareholding contains CPSE shareholding (column 4) i.e., shares held by other CPSEs in these companies. Since CPSEs are themselves government owned, it is useful to evaluate public shareholding after removing their holdings. As an example, National Fertilizers Ltd. has a public shareholding of 25.29% and meets the MPS requirement of 25%. The following CPSEs are listed under the public shareholding category of National Fertilizers Ltd., i.e. LIC (11.31%), NIA (1.76%), GIC (1.48%), Canara Bank (0.69%), OIC (0.29%). The total share of these firms (15.53%) is deducted from the public share of National Fertilizers (25.29%). Public shareholding of National Fertilizers at 9.76% does not meet the MPS threshold. When the share of CPSEs is excluded from the public shareholding category, 13 out of the 22 CPSEs failed to meet the MPS requirement as of March 2019.

Table 1: Shareholding of CPSEs that have undergone OFS-SE (March 2019)
Company Promoters’ share-holding Public share-holding Shareholding of CPSEs (included within public shareholding) Whether MPS requirement is met when share of CPSE is not considered?
BHARAT ELECTRONICS LTD. 55.93% 44.07% LIC (3.61%) Yes
COAL INDIA LTD. 69.26% 30.74% LIC (10.94%), LIFE INSURANCE CORPORATION OF INDIA P & GS FUND (2.18%) No
CONTAINER CORP. OF INDIA LTD. 54.80% 45.20% LIC (3.08%) Yes
ENGINEERS INDIA LTD. 52.00% 48.00% LIC (4%) Yes
HINDUSTAN COPPER LTD. 76.05% 23.95% LIC (12.14%) No
INDIAN OIL CORP. LTD. 51.50% 48.50% ONGC (14.20%), LIC (6.51%), OIL (5.16%), IOC SHARES TRUST (2.48%) No
INDIA TOURISM DEVELOPMENT CORP. LTD. 87.03% 12.97% LIC (3.22%), NIC (0.13%) No
MMTC LTD. 89.93% 10.07% LIC (3.39%), UIC (0.24%), GIC (0.18%), NIA (0.11%) No
MOIL LTD. 65.69% 34.31% LIC NEW ENDOWMENT PLUS BALANCED FUND (7.12%), UIC (1.05%), NIA (0.35%), OIC (0.46%) Yes
NATIONAL ALUMINIUM CO. LTD. 52.00% 48.00% LIC (8.2%), NIC (0.61%) Yes
NATIONAL FERTILIZERS LTD. 74.71% 25.29% LIC (11.31%), NIA (1.76%), GIC (1.48%), CANARA BANK (0.69%), OIC (0.29%) No
NBCC (INDIA) LTD. 65.93% 34.07% LIFE INSURANCE CORPORATION OF INDIA P & GS FUND (6.55%), SBI(0.48%) Yes
NHPC LTD. 73.33% 26.67% LIC (7.31%), PFCL (2.43%), REC (1.75%) No
NLC INDIA LTD. 80.85% 19.15% LIC (3.34%), UTI (0.83%), NIA (0.47%) No
NMDC LTD. 72.28% 27.72% LIC (12.9%), LIC NEW ENDOWMENT PLUS BALANCED FUND (2.03%), SBI (0.38%), NIA (0.34%) No
NTPC LTD. 54.50% 45.50% LIC JEEVAN PLUS NON UNIT FUND (11.51%) Yes
OIL INDIA LTD. 59.57% 40.43% LIFE INSURANCE CORPORATION OF INDIA P & GS FUND (12.19%), IOCL (4.71%), HPCL (2.47%), BPCL (2.47%) No
OIL & NATURAL GAS CORP. LTD. 62.98% 37.02% Yes
RASHTRIYA CHEMICALS AND FERTILIZERS LTD. 75.00% 25.00% LIC (2.07%), NIA (0.60%) No
REC LTD. 52.63% 47.37% LIC (2.30%), CPSE ETF (3.57%) Yes
STATE TRADING CORP.OF INDIA LTD. 90.00% 10.00% LIC (0.91%), NIA (0.89%), OIC (0.07%) No
STEEL AUTHORITY OF INDIA LTD. 75.00% 25.00% LIC (9.60%), LIC MARKET PLUS 1 GROWTH FUND (1.24%), LIFE INSURANCE CORPORATION OF INDIA P & GS FUND (0.63%) No

Source: Company Annual reports

Results: LIC as shareholder

Table 2 indicates an increase in shareholding of LIC (whose 100% shares are held by the government) in the CPSEs post OFS-SE transactions. As an example, Hindustan Copper went through disinvestment in FY16 and FY17. This lead to a decrease in government shareholding from 89.95% in 2016 to 76.05% in 2017, at the end of the two transactions. Shares of LIC increased from 5.27% at the beginning of FY16 to 12.14% in FY18. Similarly, National Fertilizers was disinvested in FY17, where the government's share decreased from 92.5% to 80%. Shares held by LIC in the company had increased from 4.16% to 11.32% in FY18.

Table 2: OFS-SE transactions and purchases by LIC
Name of entity Year Stake divested LIC's share before disinvestment LIC's share post disinvestment
NMDC FY12 10% 5% 5.54%
RASHTRIYA CHEMICALS AND FERTILIZERS LTD. FY13 12.5% 0.87% 6.45%
NTPC FY13 9.5% 5.91% 7.66%
NALCO FY13 6.09% 3.25% 6.02%
SAIL FY14 5% 6.61% 10.11%
COAL INDIA LTD. FY15 10% 2.10% 7.24%
DREDGING CORP. OF INDIA LTD. FY15 5% 2.99% 5.86%
POWER FINANCE CORP. LTD. FY15 5% 4.81% 9.08%
NHPC FY16 11.36% 3.11% 8.83%
HINDUSTAN COPPER LTD. FY16 7% 5.27% 10.70%
CONTAINER CORP. OF INDIA LTD. FY16 5% 1.03% 3.05%
NBCC FY16 15% 0% 8.11%
HINDUSTAN COPPER LTD. FY17 6.83% 11.14% 14.25%
NATIONAL FERTILIZERS LTD. FY17 15% 4.16% 11.32%
MOIL FY17 10% 3.84% 7.11%
COAL INDIA LTD. FY18 5.19% 8.97% 10.94%

Source: Annual reports

In the sample of 31 transactions concerning the 22 CPSEs selected for our study, the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) increased its holding in 16 transactions. For six transactions, the top ten shareholders' names were not disclosed in the annual reports. LIC's equity did not change in the remaining nine transactions.

Conclusion

Out of the total 77 NSE-listed CPSEs, 37 CPSEs had not met the MPS threshold as on December 31, 2019. The government will have to do a lot more to achieve full compliance with the MPS by August 2021. Out of the 22 CPSEs that went through disinvestment by the OFS-SE route, 13 CPSEs do not meet the MPS once we exclude the share of CPSEs. LIC purchased equity in more than 50% of CPSEs in our sample.

One of objectives of disinvestment is to promote public ownership of CPSEs. This also provides an opportunity to citizens to participate in the wealth of CPSEs. The MPS also seeks to widen ownership in listed companies. Under the Securities Contracts (Regulation) Rules and SEBI (Issue of Capital and Listing Disclosure Requirements) Regulations, shareholding of CPSEs and LIC may be considered as public, but their inclusion does not align with the goals of either disinvestment or the MPS. This question also assumes relevance given CAG's recent observation (Para 1.3.2) that disinvestment from one public sector firm to another 'did not change' stake of the government in the disinvested CPSEs. Disinvestment which truly widens CPSE ownership to individuals and institutions outside of the government should be an important goal for policy.


The authors are researchers at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy. The authors would like to thank Karthik Suresh and Srishti Sharma for useful discussions.

Tuesday, July 07, 2020

The five paths of disinvestment in India

by Sudipto Banerjee, Renuka Sane and Srishti Sharma.

Privatisation of Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs) in India has typically been done in one of the following ways: in the early years government equity was sold through an auction to financial investors, while since 2004, the popular method has been public offer. Strategic sales, where control of the public sector is transferred to private entities have been very few, concentrated in the 1999-2004 period. As a result, sale of government shareholding in India is referred to as disinvestment and not privatisation.

In recent years the methods used for disinvestment include: a) Public offer, b) Buybacks, c) Sale to employees, d) Exchange traded funds (ETFs), and e) CPSE to CPSE sale. Buybacks and ETFs are new ways of divesting minority stake. As we study the trajectory of disinvestment in India, it is important to understand the relative magnitudes involved in each transaction. There are two metrics that are important - first, the amount of resources raised and second, the change in government equity through these methods. The latter is especially important as disinvestment has great potential to improve economic efficiency by reducing government control. By focusing only on resources raised as an outcome, we end up ignoring the more important economic rationale for undertaking disinvestment.

In this article, we describe the methods adopted for disinvestment of CPSEs since FY2015. We use the BSEPSU disinvestment database and individual annual reports of firms to arrive at the magnitudes of disinvestment. We use two measures:

  • Disinvestment proceeds and shares sold. The proceeds are the amount realised through the sale process. Shares sold is the ratio of the number of government shares sold by the total equity of the firm.
  • Change in government equity. This is the difference between the share of government in total equity of the firm before and after the disinvestment transaction.

Disinvestment methods

Table 1 provides an overview of disinvestment by the government in the last 6 years. It shows the number of transactions, the number of CPSEs, the disinvestment proceeds, % of total shares sold and the change in government equity post the transaction.


Table 1: Disinvestment from FY15 to FY20
Methods of disinvestment Number of
transactions
Number of CPSEs
Disinvestment proceeds (INR million)
Average % of
shares sold
Average change in % of govt equity post
disinvestment
1 PUBLIC OFFER 37 32 984,054 10 10
2 BUYBACK 36 23 403,549 8.34 0.64
3 SALE TO EMPLOYEES 21 15 9,379 0.138 0.138
4 EXCHANGE TRADED FUND* 10 18 989,490 1.09# 1.09#
5 CPSE TO CPSE SALE 8 8 667,119 77.15 77.15
Source: BSEPSU database and authors' calculation based on annual reports

* There were a total of 10 tranches of ETFs in this period. Each tranche contains a basket of firms. If the disinvestment in each firm that was part of an ETF tranche is considered separately then we would have 126 ETF transactions instead of 10. The average change in government equity for ETFs is therefore calculated across these 126 transactions, and not the 10 tranches

The government of India disinvested its stake in 50 CPSEs and raised a total of INR 3,053 billion using five methods: public offer, buy back, CPSE to CPSE sale, exchange traded funds and sale to employees. On an average, the government sold 7.28% of total shares and the average reduction in government equity has been around 5.84%. The sum total of the number of CPSEs in column 2 does not match with the total number of 50 unique CPSEs because some CPSEs adopted multiple methods across years. Public offer was the most used method with 32 firms and 37 transactions. The second most popular method was buyback with 36 transactions. The maximum revenue was raised through ETFs followed by public offer. The maximum share of sales and change in government equity was through CPSE to CPSE transfers. There is some missing data on % shares sold for buyback and ETF transactions as annual reports for FY20 is not published yet (indicated by #).

Figure 1 below shows the yearly distribution of amount raised and % reduction in equity across various methods from FY15 to FY20. The significant increase in proceeds in FY18 and FY19 is driven by ETFs and CPSE to CPSE sales. Besides CPSE to CPSE sales, the average % reduction in government equity remained low and constant across all years. We next study the five methods in detail and understand the extent of disinvestment in each method.


Public offer

Public offer has been the most common method of disinvestment. Since FY 2015, there have been 37 public offer transactions including 21 offer for sale (OFS) transactions. The public offer route is considered as a transparent way of offloading government shares and aims to encourage public participation. In several public offer transactions, the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC), whose shares are fully owned by the central government, has bought majority of the shares. Some of these transactions include:

  1. In 2014, LIC bought 5.94% stake in Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd (BHEL) for INR 26,850 million, increasing its stake in BHEL to 14.99%.
  2. In 2015, LIC bought shares worth INR 70,000 million INR in the public offer of Coal India Ltd. This was equivalent to one-third of the public offer.
  3. In the same year, it bought nearly 86% of the shares on offer of the Indian Oil Corporation paying over INR 80,000 million.
  4. In 2016, LIC bought 59% of shares offered in NTPC stake sale worth $730 million. Thus, LIC spent approximately INR 29,000 million.
  5. In 2017, LIC bought shares worth around INR 80,000 million in the disinvestment of General Insurance Corporation of India and again bought shares worth INR 65,000 million in the IPO of New India Assurance Company.
  6. In March 2018, LIC subscribed 70% of shares in the IPO of Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd, paying INR 29000 million.
  7. Between November 22, 2019 and February 27, 2020, LIC acquired 59.49 lakh shares worth INR 1,770 million, or 2.38 % stake, in RITES though an offer-for-sale (OFS).

LIC spent roughly INR 381,620 million on the transactions listed above. This constitutes 38.7% of the disinvestment proceeds raised through the public offer method in the period of our study.

Buyback

Buyback is a process where a company purchases its shares from its existing shareholders. This helps a company to restructure capital and increase the underlying value of shares. The company is required to extinguish the bought back shares. The government has used buyback in the past as a method of disinvestment. However in 2016, buyback was made compulsory for CPSEs who met the prescribed threshold of net worth and cash reserves.

A company is under an obligation to provide a buyback offer to all existing shareholders. In such a case, reduction in the total equity is higher than the reduction in government shares which may lead to an increase in % of government equity post buyback. However, if a CPSE is wholly owned by the government, total number of shares will be reduced (extinguished) by the same number of shares bought back. Hence, there will be no change in % of equity held by the government post buyback.

Table 2 presents the impact of buyback transactions on government shareholding. Since 2015, 23 CPSEs have bought back shares from the government raising INR 403,549 million. It is important to note that % shares sold for three buyback transactions in FY20 is unavailable since annual report for the year is not published yet (indicated by *). Out of total 36 buyback transactions, 9 transactions led to an increase in government equity. In 11 transactions, where CPSE was wholly owned by the government, there was no change in government holding. The remaining 16 transactions recorded an average reduction of 1.19% in government equity. In column (2) the count of individual number of CPSEs do not match with the total number of CPSEs because same 8 CPSEs recorded increase in equity in one year while decrease in another (indicated by **).


Table 2: Summary of buyback transactions
Transaction type Number of transactions No. of CPSEs Total disinvestment proceeds(INR million) Average % of shares sold Average change in % of govt equity post buyback
Reduction in government holding 16 12 244,947 7.63 (1.19)
Increase in government holding 9 9 83590.7 2.31 0.16
No change in government holding 11 7 75,011 15.55* 0
Total 36 23** 40,3549 8.34 (0.64)
Source : Authors' calculation based on annual reports

Sale to employees

As part of its disinvestment strategy, the government has often reserved a certain quantity of its shares for offer to the CPSE employees. Usually these shares are offered at a discount. Such transactions are expected to incentivise the employees and create dispersed shareholding. In the last six years, there have been 21 such transactions across 15 firms from which the government raised a total of INR 9,379 million. On an average, the % of shares sold to the employees is around 0.14%. Almost half of the proceeds from this method comes from two transactions in FY17 by Indian Oil Corporation Ltd. and NTPC Ltd. In May 2016, government sold 0.29% of the total shares of Indian Oil Corporation Ltd. to its employees raising INR 2,624 million. Pursuant to the 5% OFS stake in February 2016, NTPC offered to sell 2.06 crores equity shares of government to the employees at a discount rate of 5%. 85% of the shares were subscribed by around 10,800 eligible employees and government raised approximately INR 2,037 million.

Exchange traded funds (ETFs)

ETF is a pool of stocks that reflects the composition of an index, like S&P BSE SENSEX. This method has been frequently used for disinvestment in the recent past, where the government sells shareholding in select CPSEs to a fund house which owns the ETF. The ETF fund manager first formulates the scheme and offers to the public for subscription by way of a new fund offer (NFO). The subscription proceeds are used to purchase the shares of constituent companies in similar composition and weights based on the underlying index. Shares are usually sold at a discount to the scheme and the fund manager in turn creates and allots units of the scheme, to the investors. Once the NFO closes, the units are listed on the exchanges.

The government has launched two ETFs, namely, CPSE ETF and Bharat-22 ETF. CPSE ETF was launched in 2014. It contains stock of 11 listed CPSEs and follows the NIFTY CPSE index. In 2017, Bharat-22 ETF was created. This comprises of 16 CPSEs, 3 public sector banks and 3 private company stocks held by Specified Undertaking of the Unit Trust of India (SUUTI). The underlying index is the S&P Bharat 22 index. From FY15 to FY20, there were six tranches of CPSE ETF and four tranches of Bharat-22 ETF transactions which raised INR 989,490 million.

Table 3 lists each ETF tranche from FY15 to FY20 and provides details on allotment date, number of constituent CPSEs, amount raised by government and average reduction in % of government equity post each tranche. It is important to note that the average % reduction in government equity for three ETF transactions in FY20 is unavailable since annual report for the year is not published yet (indicated by *NA).


Table 3: Summary of ETF tranches from FY15 to FY20
ETF Name ETF tranche No. of constituent CPSEs Allotment date of ETF units Average % reduction in government equity Amount realised (in INR million)
CPSE ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 1 10 28/01/2017 0.98 59999.9
CPSE ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 2 10 25/03/2017 0.39 24999.9
CPSE ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 3 11 07/12/2018 2.88 170000
CPSE ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 4 11 29/03/2019 1.22 93500.7
CPSE ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 5 10 26/07/2019 NA* 100003.9
CPSE ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 6 10 07/02/2020 NA* 165000
BHARAT 22-ETF NEW FUND OFFER 16 24/11/2017 0.93 145000
BHARAT 22-ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 1 16 29/06/2018 0.58 83252.6
BHARAT 22-ETF TAP OFFER 16 22/02/2019 0.92 104045.9
BHARAT 22-ETF FURTHER FUND OFFER 2 16 10/10/2019 NA* 43688
Source : Author's calculation based on annual reports

While aggregate proceeds from ETF may have been high, the average reduction in government equity has been low.

CPSE to CPSE sale

Under this method, government transfers its shares in one CPSE to another CPSE. There have been eight such transactions in the last six years which raised a total of approximately INR 667,119 million. The details of each of the transaction is given in table 4. Except REC Limited, the entire government shareholding was transferred to another CPSE. In case of REC Limited, government still holds 0.25% shares. Post these sales, the firms became subsidiaries of the buyer CPSE firms, but continue to remain government companies as defined under section 2(45) of the Companies Act, 2013.


Table 4: CPSE to CPSE sales from FY15 to FY20
CPSE Date of transaction Buyer's Name % of shares sold Amount realised (in INR million)
HINDUSTAN PETROLEUM CORPN. LTD. 31/01/2018 OIL & NATURAL GAS CORP.LTD. 51.11 369,150
H S C C (INDIA) LTD. 06/11/2018 NBCC (INDIA) LTD. 100 2,850
DREDGING CORPN. OF INDIA LTD. 09/03/2019 CONSORTIUM OF FOUR PORTS 73.47 10,491
R E C LTD. 28/03/2019 POWER FINANCE CORP.LTD. 52.63 145,000
KAMARAJAR PORT LTD. 27/03/2020 CHENNAI PORT TRUST 66.67 23,830
NORTH EASTERN ELECTRIC POWER CORPN. LTD. 27/03/2020 NTPC LTD. 100 40,000
T H D C INDIA LTD. 27/03/2020 NTPC LTD. 74.49 750,00
NATIONAL PROJECTS CONSTRUCTION CORPN. LTD. 26/04/2020 WAPCOS LTD. 98.89 798
Source : BSEPSU disinvestment database

The CPSE to CPSE sale transactions constituted around 22% of total disinvestment proceeds in the last six years. While technically, the government may have divested 77% shareholding in these CPSEs (as shown in Table 1), it did not bring any change in government ownership of these firms.

Conclusion

There has been a huge increase in disinvestment proceeds in the recent years. However, reduction in government equity in the CPSEs has not witnessed much growth. About 5.19% of disinvestment proceeds came from buyback transactions that led to an increase (or no change) in government equity and 21.8% came from CPSE to CPSE sale transactions that led to no change in government ownership. While 32.2% of proceeds came from public offer, almost 39% of these were actually purchased by LIC. Thus, purchases by LIC accounted for 12.49% of the total proceeds which also imply no change in government ownership. Finally, around 32.4% came from ETFs which, on an average reduced government equity by 1.09%. These considerations become central issues for any research on disinvestment and its impact.


The authors are researchers at NIPFP. We thank Karthik Suresh and Sarang Moharir for useful comments.

Tuesday, February 18, 2020

Applicability of the IBC to public sector enterprises: The case of Hindustan Antibiotics Ltd

by Sudipto Banerjee, Renuka Sane and Karthik Suresh.

Since the enactment of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC) in 2016, the National Companies Law Tribunal (NCLT) has been admitting insolvency cases against public sector enterprises (for example, the Tamil Nadu Generation and Distribution Co. Ltd., the Northern Power Distribution Co. Ltd.). A final resolution order was passed in the case of Burn Standard and Co. Ltd. while liquidation proceedings were ordered in the case of Hindustan Paper Co.Ltd. This suggests that the IBC was being used for resolving defaults by public sector enterprises (PSEs).

The case of Hindustan Antibiotics Ltd. (HAL) has led to uncertainty regarding the applicability of the IBC to PSEs. In this case, the NCLT could not arrive at a decision on the applicability of the IBC to HAL. The dispute was referred to a third member of the NCLT. In the meanwhile, HAL filed a writ petition before the Bombay High Court challenging the constitutional validity of the IBC insofar as it applies to government companies, which was admitted by the Court. This, in effect, has stayed the proceedings before the NCLT. The High Court will now decide on the question of whether the IBC applies to government companies.

This article revisits the dispute and examines the position of PSEs within the ambit of the IBC. It argues that creditors of PSEs (or PSEs themselves) should be able to access the IBC. Removing PSEs from the IBC's purview may lead to delays in resolution, and may close an important route which the government could use for disinvestment.

The dispute

Hindustan Antibiotics Ltd. (HAL) is a central PSE in the business of supplying affordable drugs and antibiotics. The company has been incurring losses since 1993-94. In March 1997, HAL was declared a sick company and placed under the Board for Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) which approved a restructuring package in June 2007. However, the company's financial situation continued to deteriorate. In December 2016, the Union Cabinet stated that it will look at options for conducting a strategic sale of HAL, dispose of the surplus land and structure a voluntary retirement scheme (VRS) for its employees. As of January 2020, the strategic sale has not taken place. The company has been unable to pay the salaries of its employees on time.

As a consequence, employees of HAL have filed cases against the company for non payment of salaries and other dues before various courts. Three public sector banks have sent recovery notices to the company under the Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Securities Interest Act, 2002 (SARFAESI Act). Employees have also filed cases before the Controlling Authority under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 for non payment of dues. Three operational creditors including Mr. Harish Pinge, an employee of HAL, filed cases under the IBC before the NCLT.

The impugned order of the NCLT is concerned with the petition filed by Harish Pinge. The company acknowledged the portion of Mr. Pinge's retirement dues but was unable to pay due to its financial condition. When Mr. Pinge approached the NCLT, the company took the view that IBC does not contemplate handling the insolvency resolution process of PSEs and hence the petition was not maintainable.

The NCLT's order

The judicial member took the view that HAL was a central PSE and thus an 'instrumentality of the state'. He held that even if the company is loss-making and is unable to pay its dues, it cannot be closed. This is because it would be unconstitutional for a tribunal to pass an order to close a PSE which is an instrument of the state itself. The relevant paragraph is extracted as follows:.

In view of the above findings, I am of the considered view that CIRP process cannot be initiated against an instrumentality of the state. To say these words I have made an attempt to lift the corporate veil of the Corporate Debtor to see who is behind the same and I found that it is none other than Govt. of India, in the name of President of India. Initiating CIRP process against the Corporate Debtor practically amounts to initiating CIRP process against the Govt. of India which is impermissible under the Constitution/Law. The law makers while enacting the IBC appears to have not envisaged such a situation otherwise they would have exempted Govt. Companies from the CIRP process as the application of the Code on the said Govt. Companies would create a chaos and defeat the very intent for which IBC is brought into existence. At the same time there is also another way looking at it and that is, there is no reason even to expressly exempt the Govt. Companies because it is an instrumentality of the state and de-horsing the corporate character and independent entity, there is everything to say that the Govt. Companies are an instrumentality of the state or rather we can say that there an alter ego of the state itself and the result of the same is that the IBC cannot interfere with the state owned undertakings. In view of the above the point No. (i) and (ii) are answered against the Petitioner as the Petitioner can have an alternate remedy in a civil court or by way of proceeding under Article 226 or 32 of the Constitution of India in an appropriate forum if so advised. (emphasis added)

The technical member held that all PSEs are liable to be subject to the CIRP as prescribed in the IBC in case of a default. He was of the view that PSEs are instruments of the state but the instrumentality argument cannot be used to negate the statutory right of a reditor. Only financial services providers are explicitly excluded from the definition of 'corporate debtor'. He observed that there are lacunae in the government's own process for restructuring PSEs after the closure of Bureau for Reconstruction of Public Sector Enterprises (BRPSE) in 2015 and suggested that adoption of the IBC process is in the best interest of the corporate debtor.

Since the members had disagreed with each other, the President of the NCLT referred the case to a third member in accordance with the Companies Act, 2013. While the proceedings were pending before the NCLT, the company filed a writ petition before the Bombay High Court.

Proceedings before the Bombay High Court

At the Bombay High Court, the petitioner argued that the provisions regarding the definition of 'corporate debtor', 'person' and the provisions which give financial and operational creditors the right to approach the NCLT in case of default are in direct conflict with a) the statutory provisions of Companies Act, 2013 and b) Article 14 of the Constitution of India as far as 'government companies' are concerned.

The High Court held that the NCLT is not the proper forum for deciding on questions of constitutionality. The court referred to the Supreme Court's decision in Hindustan Construction Co. Ltd. v. Union of India where it has was held that that statutory bodies (like National Highway Authority of India) are not limited in liability and are hence not covered in either the definition of 'corporate person' or 'person' under the IBC. The Bombay High Court said that it would look at whether this decision of the Supreme Court has any bearing on government companies as well. Consequently, it imposed a stay on the proceedings before the NCLT.

In the subsequent paragraphs we discuss why the IBC should be applied to government companies as well.

The IBC does not exclude PSEs

The HAL case seems to depend on the interpretation of 'corporate debtor'. Under the provisions of the IBC, 'corporate debtor' means a corporate person who owes a debt to any person. The definition of 'person' includes a company. Most PSEs are registered as government companies under the Companies Act, 2013 and are generally subject to its provisions and rules.

A similar argument was made by the solicitor general in the context of Hindustan Construction Co. Ltd. v. Union of Indiasupra). He admitted (para 58) that government companies are covered in the definition of 'corporate person' under section 3(7) of the IBC. The court did not make a clear pronouncement on this specific issue since the facts of the case were not primarily concerned with it. But we can presume that the solicitor general, being the statutory lawyer of the Union government, has stated the view of the government on the law.

There are specific provisions in the Companies Act, 2013 which exempt government companies from certain requirements. It is a settled principle of statutory interpretation that legislature speaks its mind by use of correct expression and unless there is ambiguity in law, the law has to be read in its literal sense. The literal reading of the provisions does not indicate exemption of PSEs from IBC.

Inference can also be drawn from the earlier legislation like Sick Industrial Companies (Special Provisions) Act, 1985 (SICA) where it was expressly mentioned that the definition of company did not include a government company. This was removed by an amendment in 1993. Further, the IBC substituted the provisions on revival of sick industrial companies and winding up given under the Companies Act, 2013.

The importance of the IBC to PSEs

There are several reasons that the case before the High Court is extremely important.

The IBC is a time bound process which helps preserves the value of the firm and improves recovery. The World Bank's Ease of Doing Business survey reflects this change --- the recovery rate per dollar has increased from 28.6 cents per dollar to 71.6 cents per dollar since the IBC was brought into force. The exclusion of PSEs from this process will be expensive to its creditors, which are often public sector banks. For instance, the report of the Lok Sabha Committee on Public Undertakings observed that for 2016-17, the losses of the top three loss making central PSEs i.e. Air India, BSNL and MTNL accounted for 55.66% of total losses among central PSEs. The annual reports of BSNL (2015-16), MTNL (2018-19) and Air India (2018-19) show that all of their term loans are from public sector banks, except Air India where there is only one private sector bank. Further, if a PSE defaults on its loan repayment, resolution under IBC can help in the process of disinvestment.

The Public Enterprises Survey (2017-18) showed that 71 central PSEs are loss making, out of which 56 showed negative net worth. It is likely that several PSEs may not have been able to service their debts to their financial or operational creditors. Until 2016, these companies were subject to the restructuring process under the BIFR. However, the process of closure has been far from satisfactory. For example, in 2011, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) in its report on closure of PSEs stressed on the need of professional insolvency practitioners to ensure maximum value is obtained either from restructuring or closure of the central PSEs. The Public Enterprises Survey (2015-16) showed that BIFR had listed 18 central PSEs for winding up and closure. But as on July, 2019, only two of those companies were actually closed. In the event of a default by a sick company, the IBC can greatly expedite the process of closure.

Conclusion

Under the older laws governing insolvency, due to multiplicity of processes, the High Court often played the role of being the main forum for settlement of claims. We have already seen that the High Courts, acting as the company court, have demonstrated high rates of pendency. For instance, the Official Liquidator in the Bombay High Court reported that out of 1464 cases pending before the court, 739 have been pending for more than ten years. The IBC has been formulated as a complete code for insolvency laws with specified tribunals and an administrative machinery for its enforcement.

We believe that there is nothing in the IBC that precludes its use by PSEs. Using the IBC to resolve the financially insolvent and bankrupt PSEs in a time-bound manner will facilitate and may even help expedite the process of disinvestment by the government. It can also have implications for the policy concerning restructuring and closure of PSEs.

 

The authors are researchers at NIPFP. We thank an anonymous referee for useful comments.

Wednesday, October 10, 2018

Invoice financing in India: TReDS and way forward

by Sudipto Banerjee and Vishal Trehan.

Introduction


Medium, small and micro enterprises (MSMEs) operate on tight margins and need immediate settlement of invoices to avoid shortage of working capital. However, due to the poor bargaining capacity of MSMEs, their working capital often remains blocked in receivables as they work on an unfavourable credit cycle for goods and services supplied to corporate buyers. This problem is exacerbated due to the existence of a huge funding gap for MSMEs. In order to bridge the gap between invoice date and its due date, invoice discounting emerged as a financing solution for entities which are unable to access funding options such as short term credit and working capital loans. Under invoice discounting, the seller, instead of waiting for the payment to be made by the buyer, gets a certain percentage of the invoice amount from the financier in advance. The seller pays a fee to the financier for this discounting service. Once the invoice amount is received by the seller from the buyer, it repays the amount to the financier.

However, adoption of invoice discounting as a financing mechanism in India has not been as expected. This may be due to several reasons. First, the bargaining capacity is skewed in favour of corporate buyers who express reservations while accepting assignments of receivables made in favour of financiers. Second, it is difficult for financiers to establish the credit rating of MSMEs due to information asymmetry. This, coupled with the absence of pledgable collaterals increases the credit exposure of a financier. Third, the discounting landscape is still dominated by banks and there are very few specialised discounting entities. Finally, there is a lack of awareness among MSMEs about discounting services, especially in non-urban locations. For example, even though many MSMEs are exporters, they lack information about export factoring.


In 2014, the RBI observed that there is a need for institutional setup to boost discounting in India and for this purpose conceptualised an electronic exchange for invoice discounting known as trade receivable electronic discounting system or TReDS. This post looks at the TReDS platform critically in order to assess whether this fintech solution has been able to address specific issues related to invoice discounting in India. Further, we explore the developments around invoice discounting in the context of new technologies and examine whether their adoption holds any merit. It must be noted that the invoice discounting problem space is quite broad and TReDS, a technology based solution, must be seen as a solution for specific problems in the invoice discounting space in India.

Specifically, TReDS seeks to address the problem of information asymmetry and the consequent high rates offered by financiers. Also, it is envisaged to reduce the time taken for sellers to receive payments. TReDS, however, was not conceptualised to address other persistent issues related to invoice financing. For example, although TReDS operates on the concept of 'no rescourse to seller', it is not a solution to the problems arising out of the bargaining power of buyers.

A digital platform to boost invoice discounting


In 2009, SIDBI, in collaboration with NSE set up the first e-discounting platform for MSME receivables. This was based on the lines of the Mexican NAFIN model. However, this was a closed single financier model and therefore, had limited scale of operation. To overcome these limitations, in 2014, RBI released a concept paper to set up a full fledged electronic exchange for invoice discounting. This was followed by TReDS is essentially an online electronic institutional mechanism for facilitating the financing of trade receivables of MSMEs through multiple financiers. The platform enables discounting of invoices of MSME sellers against large corporates including government departments and PSUs, through an auction mechanism, to ensure prompt realization of trade receivables at competitive market rates.

  • In the TReDS ecosystem, sellers, buyers and financiers can come on board by executing a one time agreement with the platform. This reduces the documentation cost for sellers who have to execute a separate agreement everytime there is a discounting transaction with a different financier.
  • After executing the agreement, once the seller provides goods or services to the buyer and after acceptance by the buyer, the invoice is uploaded on the platform. This can be uploaded either by a buyer or a seller. Once the invoice is accepted by the buyer, it is converted into a factoring unit, a nomenclature used for invoices on the platform. Subsequently, an electronic auction involving bidding for the factoring unit takes place on the platform.
  • Once a bid is accepted by the seller, the amount is credited to the account of the seller either on T+1 or T+2 basis depending on the cut-off time. This financier's account is auto-debited through the National Automated Clearing House (NACH) mandate. Instructions are sent electronically by the platform to the parties. On the due date of the invoice, the bank account of the buyer is auto debited and the amount is credited to the account of the financier.

As mentioned previously, the TReDS platform aims to address certain specific aspects of MSME financing. The current invoice financing system is riddled with an asymmetric flow of credit information. Financiers are not always aware of the financial condition of MSME suppliers due to limited publicly available information. Due to this, screening costs incurred by a financier go up for discounting an invoice of a MSME supplier. TReDS ensures easier access to invoice discounting at better rates for MSME suppliers due to the following reasons:

  • Financing on the TReDS platform is done on the credit rating of the corporate buyers, hence, financiers need to define the credit limit of buyers and not sellers. This reduces the due diligence cost for financiers and in turn lowers the cost of discounting for sellers.
  • TReDS operates on the model of without recourse to the seller which means that the financier can recover the invoice amount only from the buyer.
  • Outside TReDS, MSME sellers negotiate with individual banks and NBFCs who may not offer them competitive rates for the reasons discussed above. The average interest rate on working capital loans is 12% as compared to 8-10% on TReDS. TReDS allows multiple financiers to participate and bid for invoices - this is expected to provide better rates to MSME sellers. As described previously, the entire transaction happens digitally on the platform in an efficient and transparent manner.

Establishing the genuineness of an invoice is another challenge that TReDS addresses. Once the seller provides goods or services to the buyer and they are accepted, the invoice is uploaded on the platform. The bidding by financiers start only after the uploaded invoice is accepted by the buyer. However, the issue of double discounting of invoices was not addressed in the original implementation of TReDS. This was addressed through a blockchain implementation recently.

Key issues


The most critical problem in the invoice financing space in India, and consequently in the TReDS setup, is related to the obligation on buyers to repay on time. TReDS too follows the requirement of the Micro, Small And Meduim Enterprises Development Act, 2006 (MSMED Act, 2006) which imposes an obligation on buyers to settle the invoice amount within 45 days. Hence, in the TReDS ecosystem, the buyer has to pay the factored invoice amount to the financier within 45 days from the date of acceptance of bid by the seller. This requirement of adhering to time bound payment, which is otherwise mostly flouted outside TReDS, can cause reluctance on the part of buyeres to sign up. Presently, MSME suppliers facing competition from other players are inclined to accept higher volumes of trade credit on less favourable collection terms.

Interactions with practitioners in the MSME financing segment revealed that at times, sellers also avoid disclosing their MSME status so that the buyer is not deterred by the applicability of MSMED Act in case of delayed payments. Therefore, it is not surprising that buyers have even instructed their vendors not to sign up on the electronic platform to avoid the time bound commitment to pay.

Other related challenges with TReDS


While TReDS is a technology based solution to provide an institutional platform to boost MSME financing, its performance needs to be evaluated against the market's response. The market usually adopts a particular solution for two reasons - it can either be a business need or a legal obligation. Considering that the TReDS platform came about as a result of the practice of delayed payments by buyers, it is important that we examine the incentives for buyers to come on board.

  1. Restriction on raising disputes: It must be noted that presently TReDS is an optional system. Assuming there is a corporate buyer X dealing with several vendors, under TReDS, X has to execute an agreement where it accepts the invoice of the seller (its vendors) and only after such acceptance, an invoice is made available for auction on the exchange. The TReDS Guidelines specifically require that X cannot dispute the goods or services received from the seller at a later stage. This is a major disincentive for buyers. Outside TReDS, X usually does not give acceptance to suppliers but merely records the event that it has received supplies - thereby keeping an option to dispute them in the event of any deficiency.
  2. No recourse to seller: In the non-TReDS setup, if X defaults in paying the financier on the due date, the seller becomes a debtor vis-&agrave-vis the financier for recovery purpose. However, as discussed above, on the TReDS platform discounting is done without recourse to the seller. This means that if X fails to pay the invoice amount on the due date, the financier would have no recourse to the seller. Instead, the financier will have to pursue the buyer. While this mechanism may reduce the financier's risk, it may not attract buyers as they would now have to deal with an institutional lender who replaces the MSMEs.
  3. Enhanced transparency: In case of default or any delay in payment by the buyer to the financier on TReDS, the delay/default gets duly recorded and can feed into the credit rating of the buyer. Outside TReDS, instances of such delay or default are not recorded, unless the MSME seller chooses to pursue action under MSMED Act at the cost of its future business relationship with the buyer. Therefore, the decision of a buyer to join TReDS would most likely depend on a cost-benefit analysis of aspects such as reduced flexibility in cash flow management, more transparency, etc.
  4. Existing arrangements: Experts in the MSME financing area have pointed out during interactions that many big corporate houses have their own discounting business and their suppliers/vendors are required to avail discounting services from their group entities. For instance, Reliance Capital, Mahindra Finance, Tata Capital, Bajaj Finance, Aditya Birla Capital, etc are full fledged NBFCs and have dedicated invoice discounting divisions. Companies not having such an in-house discounting facility usually have pre-existing arrangements with banks or NBFCs. Moreover, these big houses usually consolidate their vendor payments into select groups not falling within the category of MSME who in turn buy products from MSMEs. This may be another reason for big houses to not come on board TReDS.
  5. Cost of integration: Another barrier, especially from the buying corporates, is their reluctance to invest in the cost of integrating into a system like TReDS. Since the buyer bears the costs but the benefits accrue only to vendors, this
    may prove to be a disincentive for the buyers.
  6. Poor awareness: Lastly, the level of awareness about any new solution determines its success. Based on inputs from several stakeholders such as discounting entities and banks, the overall level of awareness about TReDS does not appear to be encouraging. Further, in smaller towns and semi urban setups, banks are the predominant option available to suppliers for their financing needs. These sellers do not easily switch banks with whom they share an established relationship, unless the buyer takes the initiative to migrate their dealings onto TReDS.

Addressing the issues


In order to ensure that the TReDS platform achieves its objectives, broader issues related to invoice financing in India as well as TReDS specific concerns need to be addressed. Extending the timeline of 45 days for settlement of invoice, which presently could be the prime reason for buyers not coming onto the TReDS platform, may be considered. To begin with, the platform should be enabled to give an extension to buyers on a case by case basis. While balancing the conflicting interests of suppliers, buyers and vendors is a challenging task, a middle path can be arrived at by ensuring constant interactions between the regulator and the stakeholders, especially the buyers. Further, it is essential that RBI invests resources to increase the overall level of awareness about TReDS. As discussed previously, the focus of such an awareness programme should be smaller towns and semi-urban setups.

Alternatively, a light-touch approach to regulating the behavior of large buyers could involve doing away with the 45 day payment period for TReDS so as to incentivise big buyers to get onto the TReDS platform. Instead, buyers may be asked to disclose their payment practices. Such reporting is mandatory in the UK where firms are required to disclose payment practices as per the Small Business, Enterprise and Employment Act, 2015. Removing the time-line of 45 days and mandating disclosure of payment practices would require amendment of the MSMED Act, 2006. The disclosures, which can be made public on TReDS, should also form a part of the notes to accounts of financial statements of such firms so that they can be cross verified by statutory auditors. This would require amendment to Schedule III of the Companies Act, 2013.

Further, there could be a mix of other regulatory tools like:

  • A code similar to the Prompt Payment Code in UK can be created and large buyers may be encouraged to sign on to this code. Such a voluntary code can in turn set a maximum payment term.
  • A system for blacklisting companies which violate payment terms repeatedly may also be created based on the payment practices data.
  • The role of MSME associations is important in this context to ensure that big buyers do not abuse market power. As is generally the case, a single MSME will be reluctant to file a complaint against a buyer for fear of losing business as well as the costs involved. Instead, MSME associations can give MSMEs the requisite support and can help MSMEs collectively protest against a buyer to enforce a change in behaviour.

Additional measures for boosting TReDS


RBI may take additional measures after taking stock of bottlenecks currently faced by the TReDS platform to ensure that the platform achieves its intended objectives. These include:

  1. Presently, only banks and NBFCs are allowed to participate on TReDS. These entities lend as per the minimum credit lending rate. TReDS Guidelines do not allow any other entity to participate on this platform as a financier. Considering that the objective of TReDS is to boost MSME financing, RBI may consider lifting this restriction after doing a cost-benefit analysis. More participants such as urban cooperative banks, regional rural banks, high net worth individuals (HNIs), mutual funds, pension funds, etc. may be allowed to ensure the best rates for MSME suppliers. Such participation is allowed in other jurisdictions. For example, UK based MarketInvoice connects businesses with investors, including HNIs through its peer-to-peer invoice finance platform.
  2. On the supplier side, the option of allowing non-MSME entities can also be explored. For example, a corporate buyer on board TReDS presently would have to maintain an additional payment mechanism for non-MSME segment. This leads to operational inefficiencies for the buyer. Allowing both segments on TReDS may ease their way of doing business.
  3. Several MSMEs lack reliable information systems which can generate invoice suitable for discounting. To address this problem, in the Union Budget 2018-19, it was declared that TReDS would be linked to the Goods and Service Tax Network (GSTN). Further, as discussed previously in the post, financing in the TReDS environment is done on the credit worthiness of buyers on 'without recourse to seller' basis. This can potentially create disincentives for buyers to come onboard. If financiers are allowed to access the transactional data of MSME sellers available on GSTN, subject to certain safeguards like privacy of data, this can reduce their information asymmetry in terms of assessing the credit history of sellers. In other words, this measure can enable financiers to discount invoices based on the credit worthiness of sellers.

Technology solutions to address challenges


Some technological solutions are also being explored to address specific challenges with TReDS. The three licensed TReDS exchanges recently got together with MonetaGo, a US based startup, to implement a blockchain based solution for a specific problem - the problem of double invoicing and associated fraud. This permissioned blockchain solution, with each of the exchanges acting as a node, went live recently. This solution has enabled the three exchanges to work together to eliminate instances of double discounting while protecting confidential information of their clients. The system generates a hash which is used by the exchanges for validating whether an invoice has already been discounted or not.

In other parts of the world too, blockchain is being considered to develop end-to-end solutions for invoice financing. Several early implementations already exist - examples being Populous in the UK and the Hive Project in Slovenia. More specifically, blockchain is being used to:

  • Ascertain the legitimacy of an invoice
  • Find out whether the invoice has already been discounted
  • Make available immutable contract information securely to all stakeholders, thus ensuring transparency
  • Create incentives for quicker payments
  • Reduce costs related to the invoice financing process

Need for a cautious approach


In view of the decision by the three exchanges to move the fraud-detection module of the TReDS platform onto a blockchain, going forward, authorities and other stakeholders must follow a cautious approach when considering a blockchain solution for other modules of the invoice discounting process of TReDS. A blockchain based solution is envisaged to reduce costs associated with invoice financing and also incentivise quicker payments by bringing in transparency of transactions through a distributed immutable ledger. However, certain considerations need to be made to come up with the most appropriate design approach in the Indian context:

  1. Will a blockchain solution incentivise buyers? Considering the reluctance of buyers to come onboard TReDS due to
    the lack of a dispute resolution mechanism, it is critical for any future blockchain implementation to tackle this issue. Buyers may want a transparent mechanism on the blockchain which allows them to flag the quality of goods/services sold to them even after accepting the invoice.
  2. Is a blockchain the best design choice?
    Various design choices, including centralised and distributed databases, must be considered and a cost benefit analysis must be done to choose the most efficient solution.
  3. Will the solution help achieve RBI's objectives?
    Depending on RBI's objectives and factors such as trust among stakeholders, a permissioned or permissionless blockchain solution might be more suitable in case a blockchain solution is found to be the right choice.
  4. Issues of security, scalability and governance: Blockchain solutions with public facing data and handling a large number of transactions have been known to struggle with issues of throughput capacity and security. Further, complex questions such as who controls the blockchain, who are the nodes in case of a permissioned blockchain with multiple stakeholders and what is the consensus mechanism need to be answered.
  5. How will the solution respond to a complex and dynamic environment?: A blockchain based 'smart contract' solution for invoice financing should be able to quickly adapt to complex and fast-changing real world environments - for example, changes in the regulatory framework.

It is important that a blockchain solution is adopted only if it is addressing persistent challenges in the Indian context. Characteristics/features of the technology itself pose another set of questions when considering the solutions. Thus, a cost-benefit analysis is of paramount importance before deciding the design of the solution.

Conclusion


Several measures have been taken over the past few years to boost invoice financing in India. Although TReDS is a good initiative, we must carefully evaluate its effectivesness to address the lacunae in the system. To this end, we have examined the existing design and performance of TReDS after considering the market's response and expectations of stakeholders. Primarily, a lack of incetives for buyers is holding up widespread adoption of TReDS. This is due to structural issues in the invoice discounting space as well as challenges with the TReDS platform. This classification of challenges is necessary since merely fixing the technology platform may not address the underlying distortions. Thus, both types of challenges - structural ones such as the bargaining power of buyers and TReDS related challenges like the absence of a dispute resolution mechanism within TReDS - need to be addressed to ensure TReDS' success.

Further, a cautious approach needs to be adopted when considering novel technology solutions for such challenges. In sum, this multi-layered problem needs a concerted effort from the authorities to uncover issues at the ground level and come up with the appropriate policy and technical solutions.

References


Department of Economic Affairs, Industry and Infrastructure, Economic Survey 2017-18 Volume 2, 127-128.

Mohmad, K. M. Factoring Services in India: A Study, 2015.

Reserve Bank of India, Concept Paper - Trade Receivables and Credit Exchange for Financing of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises, 2014.

Dylan Yaga et al, Blockchain technology overview, 2018.


The authors are researchers at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy. The authors would like to thank Radhika Pandey and Anirudh Burman for useful discussions.

The editor for this article was Anjali Sharma.

Tuesday, May 29, 2018

The economics of releasing the V-band and E-band spectrum in India

by Sudipto Banerjee, Mayank Mishra and Suyash Rai.

Internet usage in India has witnessed an enormous growth in last few years. The wireless data usage in 2017 has increased from 20,092 million GB per year from 828 million GB per year in 2014, showing a growth of more than 24 times. This increasing use of data is causing congestion in the existing bands which finally affects the quality of services provided to consumers. In order to cater to this surge in data consumption, it is essential that there should be a commensurate increase in supply of broadband internet. Perhaps the approach to the supply also needs to change. Availability of additional spectrum is an important piece of this puzzle. V-band (57 GHz - 64 GHz) and E-band (71-76 GHz and 81-86 GHz) are two microwave bands which can be useful for bridging this need for additional spectrum. Spectrum in these bands can be used for high capacity data transmissions for last mile connectivity over short distances ranging from 200 metres to 3 km. These bands can be put to a variety of backhaul (i.e. for connecting towers). V-band can also be used for access under the Wi-Gig standards.

It has recently been reported that the Department of Telecommunications is weighing administrative allocation as the method for releasing the spectrum in the E-band and V-band, and it will take the Attorney General's opinion in this regard. This legal opinion is considered necessary because of the Supreme Court's judgment in the 2G case. The allegations of irregularity in 2G spectrum allocation led to judicial scrutiny of the method of allocation and also much public discussion. The Supreme Court quashed several spectrum licenses granted due to irregularities in the manner of allocation of spectrum to licensees on first-come-first-served basis.

After a Presidential reference, the Supreme Court had clarified that it is the prerogative of the Government to decide the methodology of alienation of other public resources, provided the method is transparent, fair and backed by social or welfare purpose. The Court also stated that revenue maximisation need not be the sole objective while alienating public resources and in fact this is subservient to the goal of serving common good of the society. Therefore, as the Government decides to release this presently unreleased spectrum, it should consider the overall economic impacts of the alternative strategies for releasing the spectrum. On this issue, we recently published a Working Paper that provides an overview of the uses of V-band and E-band spectrum, and how we may think about choosing a suitable method for releasing this spectrum. This blogpost gives an overview of the paper.

Licensing approaches

There can be four main approaches to releasing the spectrum. First, Individual authorisation with individual licensing is the conventional link-by-link allocation involving individual frequency planning/coordination. In this method, the allocation of spectrum is usually done using traditional procedures for issuing licenses, which involves a selection process by the administration. Sometimes, the administration delegates this task to the operators, but it keeps control of the national and cross-border interference situation. Second, individual authorisation with light licensing is also a method of giving exclusive usage authorisation to certain service providers for a period of time, but the method of licensing is simpler, and may involve 'first come first served' procedures. In this method, allocating authority typically places a limitation on the number of users in a given area.

Third, general authorisation with light licensing is a combination of license-exempt use and some degree of protection of users of spectrum. There is no individual frequency coordination, but the user is required to notify the authorities with the position and characteristics of the links. The database of installed stations containing appropriate technical parameters is publicly available. Importantly, in this method, there is no limitation on the number of users. Fourth, the license exempt method offers the most flexible and low cost usage of spectrum. It does not require even notification or registration, and does not mandate any individual frequency coordination. This method has worked well in specific bands (e.g. 2.4 and 5.8 GHz used for Wi-Fi access) where short range devices are allocated, but fixed service applications may also be accommodated. Although this does not guarantee any interference protection by the regulator, alternate interference management techniques are available to deal with the issue. In addition to these approaches, there are block assignment regimes, where assignment is made through renewable licensing or through permanent public auctions, or through other allocation mechanisms.

Although auction is often assumed to be the most suitable method for allocating spectrum, studies on unlicensed spectrum suggest that such availability of spectrum can also lead to significant benefits for the economy, many of which seem to be arising out of unpredictable uses, which may not have occurred if the spectrum had been auctioned. One interesting example is the use of RFID in clothing sector. According to a study done in 2014, this use generated about USD 100 billion of annual benefits for the US economy. Arguably, if the usage of this spectrum had been restricted, this usage would not have scaled up in such manner. It is important to understand that absence of auction is not the same as giving arbitrary benefits to hand-picked service providers. If the regime is open and transparent, the spectrum can be made available for use by a variety of potential service providers and users without giving unfair advantage to anyone in particular.

Most countries acknowledge that certain spectrum bands are best left unlicensed, or may be subjected to a "light touch" licensing regime, with minimal regulation. In India also, a number of spectrum bands are unlicensed, like 2.4 GHz and 5.8 GHz spectrum bands used for Wi-Fi access; 865 MHz - 867 MHz band used by RFID devices; 402 MHz - 405 MHz spectrum band used for medical wireless devices; and so on. A number of countries have adopted license free frameworks for adopting the V-band, including USA, UK, Switzerland, Japan, Korea, China, Canada, Malaysia and Philippines. Although international experience is useful, we also need to consider Indian context, and how this spectrum may be put to use in this context. In the paper, we consider the various potential uses of this spectrum, and attempt to quantify the scale of this usage in an optimal scenario.

The potential uses of V-band and E-band in India

The context of broadband Internet in India will determine the kinds of benefits that India can get from V-band and E-band. There are certain key aspects of this context. First, in India, most users access broadband internet through wireless networks. However, wireless broadband networks has certain limitations. In densely populated areas, as more people get on to wireless broadband, the mobile spectrum bands may get congested. This necessitates more cell sites and higher backhaul speeds. Compared to wired connections, especially fiber optic connections, mobile broadband provides lower speeds and less consistent connectivity. Further, a low density of wired connections constrains the potential of developing community hotspots, where residential or business short-range networks are made available for use by other users of the network. Globally, the proliferation of such hotspots is one of the most remarkable stories in the growth of Internet in recent years. Such hotspots provide high speed, consistent connectivity, while offloading from mobile networks - a benefit that India will not be able to realise without proliferation of fixed broadband connections.

Second, a negligible percentage of the fixed broadband connections are fibre optic-based. Most of the wired connections use DSL, Dial-up, or Ethernet, all of which offer potentially lower speeds than fibre optic. This situation is very different from what is seen in developed countries, and also in comparable developing countries. Third, India has a low density of commercial Wi-Fi hotspots. Such hotspots can help augment the mobile broadband and private residential and commercial hotspots as well as mobile broadband. Use of public Wi-Fi can help offer consistent, reliable and high speed Internet to users, while decongesting mobile broadband. India has only about 36,270 public Wi-Fi hotspots. The total number of public Wi-Fi hotspots in the world is over 12 million.

In the coming years, the main challenges for internet access in India are likely to be round consistency and quality of access. To address these challenges, the intermediate policy goals for broadband Internet India should be: expanding access to fixed broadband; decongestion of mobile broadband in dense urban environments; and proliferating Wi-Fi hotspots. Achieving these intermediate goals would help improve quality and consistency of internet access in India. This will not happen automatically, and requires policy focus, which may begin with rethinking spectrum allocation methods for these spectrum bands.

In the paper, we have identified the following key uses of the V-band and E-band spectrum, and tried to quantify the scale of these uses:

  • Support proliferation of commercial Wi-Fi and Wi-Gig hotspots: these bands can help backhaul the commercial Wi-Fi infrastructure in a cheaper and quicker manner, especially in dense urban locations. These bands can also promote the proliferation of Wi-Gig hotspots. Wi-Gig networks use V-band which provides wider channels than standard Wi-Fi, resulting in significantly faster data speeds.
  • Support expansion of fixed broadband Internet in urban areas: these bands can help solve the last mile problems of getting high speed wired broadband Internet into dense urban locations.
  • Backhaul for mobile broadband: these bands can provide higher capacity backhaul for mobile broadband, thereby easing congestion.
  • Other uses: these bands can be put to a variety of other uses. These, inter alia, include: extension of local area networks between buildings within a building complex; Internet of Things (IoT); Vehicle to vehicle communication and Augmented Reality (AR)/Virtual Reality (VR) Systems among others.

Given India context of high urban population density, and many urban areas with old and dense construction, the scale of usage of these spectrum bands is likely to be quite high. We tentatively find that if these spectrum bands are allowed to be used optimally, they could lead to improved speed of internet, increased consistency in internet access, and greater volume of internet usage. However, there are many potential uses of this spectrum that are difficult to predict at present. For instance, the potential for IoT is very difficult to predict at the moment, albeit a lot is being said about how far IoT can go. These are early days for the adoption of this spectrum and the allocation method should take into account this uncertainty about the potential uses.

Mapping the economic benefits arising from the uses

In choosing a method for releasing this spectrum, the focus should be on maximising the net benefit for the society as a whole. Given the paucity of relevant data and earlier studies, we are unable to reasonably monetise the economic value of these benefits. However, we attempt to map the types of uses with various types of economic benefits that may accrue from them.

If the V-band and E-band spectrum is delicensed or lightly licensed, the pass-through cost of this spectrum will be zero or very small, and only substantial cost will be installation costs. In a competitive market, ceteris paribus, reduction in costs will lead to lower prices for consumers. Given the price elasticity of demand for internet, and the rapid evolution of technology, this availability will lead to higher usage of broadband internet by consumers, allow new consumers to use broadband internet and enable innovative business models and technologies.

The use of these spectrum bands will lead to a reduction in costs and create opportunity to reach hitherto unreachable locations in dense urban environments with high speed Internet. This will lead to a shift in the supply curve, so that more quantity is made available at a given price. If the quality of Internet access improves, as is expected from the use of V-band and E-band, there may also be a shift in the demand curve, as users may be willing to pay more for the connection. Quality improvement also has larger economic benefits. For instance, if the speed of Internet usage increases, users will be able to put their connections to a wider variety of uses, especially in commercial contexts.

Following are the key economic benefits expected to arise from the uses of V-band and E-band spectrum. It should be noted that all these benefits cannot be fully attributed to these spectrum bands. Some of them, such as benefits from Wi-Gig devices, may be fully attributed to these spectrum bands, because they rely completely on the availability of this spectrum. Other benefits can be partially attributed to these bands.

  • Producer surplus due to offloading from mobile broadband: Producer surplus usually increases if the cost somehow falls without change in price charged. It can also increase if the price increases without corresponding increase in costs. The use of these spectrum bands would enable offloading from mobile broadband which will generate producer surplus.
  • Producer surplus from lower backhaul costs for mobile broadband: Lower backhaul costs could lead to producer surplus for mobile broadband service providers. This can be calculated by comparing the costs of backhaul using V-band and E-band with the cost of establishing infrastructure for a similar quality of service using other backhaul solutions, such as fibre optic cables. Most of this surplus would arise in congested areas.
  • Consumer surplus from use of commercial Wi-Fi hotspots and fixed broadband: Consumer surplus is the benefit that consumer derive from use of a service or good. A variety of sources for consumer surplus can be identified on the basis of the uses of V-band and E-band presented in the previous section: consumer surplus from commercial Wi-Fi in dense locations; consumer surplus from free Internet given by Wi-Fi hotspot providers; consumer surplus from greater use of Wi-Fi and Wi-Gig devices; consumer surplus from indoor use of fixed broadband.
  • GDP contributions: In addition to consumer surplus and producer surplus, there are also GDP contributions that may arise from the use of this spectrum. These are mostly in terms of new or improved businesses and technologies that are enabled by this spectrum band, such as usage of commercial Wi-Fi and Wi-Gig hotspots, higher speed of internet, Wi-Fi and Wi-Gig device sales, new or modified businesses and technologies (eg. IoT).

Since most of these benefits will accrue to consumers and producers, this will also create potential for the Government to extract part of this benefit as additional tax collection. For instance, sale of devices and provision of services will create opportunities for the Government to collect taxes from these activities. Further, to the extent that these activities will lead to additional profits for service providers, part of that profit will be taxed by the Government. The concern that the Government may lose out on some non-tax revenue if it chooses to delicense this spectrum may be overcome by these revenue opportunities. Further, in light licensing regimes, some fees may also be levied on the usage of the band. However, as discussed earlier, keeping the fees high may impede usage of these bands, and may discourage some types of usage that may generate significant economic benefits. The experience of Wi-Fi and RFID spectrum supports this contention.

Conclusion

In conclusion, four key takeaways emerge from this analysis. First, while choosing a method for releasing this spectrum, the focus should be on ensuring maximum aggregate benefits for the society, and not short-term revenue maximisation for the Government. Among other things, this means that the potential of these bands to help improve India's overall system of broadband Internet access should be realised. Some of the major limitations in the present system could be partially overcome by use of these spectrum bands, along with other suitable policy measures.

Second, although the economic benefits of these spectrum bands are likely to be substantial, studies on economic benefits of previously unlicensed spectrum bands suggest that the variety and scale of economic benefits may increase over a period of time if easy access to spectrum is enabled. As has happened with other unlicensed spectrum bands, innovation and competition may lead to many types of uses that are difficult to anticipate at present. Hence, it would make sense to liberalise the spectrum without any cumbersome procedures or high fees.

Third, many of the benefits are not realised by the service providers, and accrue in terms of consumer surplus and GDP contributions of businesses and technological innovations spurred by the availability of this spectrum. If the Government decides to target revenue maximisation while allocating the spectrum, it will mainly be able to extract part of the producer surplus. However, this will have effect on proliferation and therefore, on consumer surplus and GDP contributions. This may lead to significantly lower economic benefits of the spectrum for the economy as a whole. So, it may be better to not allocate this spectrum based on methods of individual authorisation. Instead, general authorisation with light licensing or license-exempt approaches may be explored. These approaches also allow the government to extract part of the economic benefits later, especially in the form of taxes.

Fourth, in thinking about the strategy to release the spectrum, it is important to align with global device ecosystems and standards, so that India can benefit from economies of scale in production of devices, and potentially become a manufacturing hub for the devices.

 

The authors are researchers at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy.